• Santiment: Bitcoin chatter hits 2-year high at 43% — beware of FOMO

    As BTC hits $123K, it also dominates crypto discussions, accounting for over 43% of all mentions online.

    Historically, such attention spikes signal retail euphoria. Santiment advises patience before re-entering the market.

    Santiment: Bitcoin chatter hits 2-year high at 43% — beware of FOMO As BTC hits $123K, it also dominates crypto discussions, accounting for over 43% of all mentions online. Historically, such attention spikes signal retail euphoria. Santiment advises patience before re-entering the market.
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  • How Buhari’s Military Coup Saved Oba Sikiru Adetona from fellow Ijebu Governor

    On November 23, 1981, Governor Victor Olabisi Onabanjo of Ogun State signed a formal order suspending Oba Sikiru Adetona from office as the Awujale of Ijebuland until further notice. However, it soon turned to a deposition, and the removal was scheduled to take effect on January 2, 1984.

    But the Muhammadu Buhari coup of December 31, 1983, which toppled President Shehu Shagari's civilian government, halted the plan. Buhari’s intervention inadvertently preserved the Awujale’s reign for the next 41 years.

    By the early 1980s, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, and Governor Victor “Bisi” Onabanjo, both sons of Ijebu, had entered a tense phase. The foundation had been set years earlier, when Adetona had generously assisted Onabanjo during his illness and even provided accommodation and support while he studied in London. Yet as politics took centre stage, friendship gave way to rivalry, and personal ire would lead to a constitutional crisis.

    In August 1981, Oba Adetona wrote to the governor notifying him of his upcoming trip to London for medical reasons, including his overseas address and phone number, purely informative, not requesting permission. Onabanjo replied, demanding more details of the trip and the health grounds, apparently implying that it needed his approval.

    Oba Adetona bristled, reminding him that his letter was purely a courtesy update and that, as a traditional monarch, he did not require permission to travel. Defiant, he departed anyway, changing his phone number to avoid further contact.

    On November 23, 1981, Governor Onabanjo issued a proclamation suspending the Awujale from office, an unprecedented move. He established a Commission of Inquiry under Justice Solomon O. Sogbetun to investigate Oba Adetona’s perceived insubordination and administrative conduct.

    True to the governor’s intentions, the commission reported unfavourably, and by early 1982, the Awujale was formally deposed by the Ogun State Executive Council.

    Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona mounted a legal challenge against the Ogun State Government, contesting the validity of the Sogbetun Commission of Inquiry, which had recommended his deposition. His legal team was formidable, led by none other than Chief F.R.A. Williams, one of Nigeria’s greatest legal minds, and supported by Chief Sina Odedina, a prominent Ijebu lawyer.

    As the case made its way through the courts, political events moved with dramatic speed. Governor Bisi Onabanjo, the man who had orchestrated the deposition, was re-elected and sworn in for a second term on October 1, 1983. For a time, it appeared that the Awujale’s fate had been sealed.

    But destiny, always patient, waited quietly in the wings.

    Just two months and 30 days later, on December 31, 1983, the Nigerian Second Republic collapsed in a swift military coup. In a broadcast, Brigadier Sani Abacha announced the takeover of the government by the military. The democratically elected administration of President Shehu Shagari was overthrown, and Major-General Muhammadu Buhari assumed the role of Head of State.

    In Ogun State, Brigadier Oladipo Diya, a fellow Ijebu son from Odogbolu, was appointed the new Military Governor. The terrain had shifted.

    Then, in 1984, the defining moment arrived.

    Justice Kolawole of the Ogun State High Court delivered a landmark judgment. The court nullified the findings of the Sogbetun Commission and ruled that Oba Adetona’s deposition was unlawful. It ordered his immediate reinstatement to the stool of the Awujale of Ijebuland.

    The military administration of Brigadier Diya, rather than appeal the ruling, respected the court’s decision. Without drama or delay, the judgment was enforced. And thus, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona returned to his throne in Ijebu Ode—restored, vindicated, and unbroken.

    The monarch who had been deposed returned not in disgrace, but in quiet triumph. Like a cat with nine lives, he resumed his place not only as a custodian of tradition, but as a symbol of endurance, dignity, and the power of lawful resistance.

    From that moment, a new era began: an era that would span decades, as Oba Adetona continued to reign with wisdom, courage, and conviction. The scars of 1981 remained, but they became part of a larger story, one of resilience in the face of injustice, and of a king who refused to be cowed.

    Over the next 41 years, until his transition on July 13, 2025, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona would go on to become one of Nigeria’s longest-serving monarchs, revered across the nation not only for his longevity, but for the strength of his character and the example he set.
    How Buhari’s Military Coup Saved Oba Sikiru Adetona from fellow Ijebu Governor On November 23, 1981, Governor Victor Olabisi Onabanjo of Ogun State signed a formal order suspending Oba Sikiru Adetona from office as the Awujale of Ijebuland until further notice. However, it soon turned to a deposition, and the removal was scheduled to take effect on January 2, 1984. But the Muhammadu Buhari coup of December 31, 1983, which toppled President Shehu Shagari's civilian government, halted the plan. Buhari’s intervention inadvertently preserved the Awujale’s reign for the next 41 years. By the early 1980s, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, and Governor Victor “Bisi” Onabanjo, both sons of Ijebu, had entered a tense phase. The foundation had been set years earlier, when Adetona had generously assisted Onabanjo during his illness and even provided accommodation and support while he studied in London. Yet as politics took centre stage, friendship gave way to rivalry, and personal ire would lead to a constitutional crisis. In August 1981, Oba Adetona wrote to the governor notifying him of his upcoming trip to London for medical reasons, including his overseas address and phone number, purely informative, not requesting permission. Onabanjo replied, demanding more details of the trip and the health grounds, apparently implying that it needed his approval. Oba Adetona bristled, reminding him that his letter was purely a courtesy update and that, as a traditional monarch, he did not require permission to travel. Defiant, he departed anyway, changing his phone number to avoid further contact. On November 23, 1981, Governor Onabanjo issued a proclamation suspending the Awujale from office, an unprecedented move. He established a Commission of Inquiry under Justice Solomon O. Sogbetun to investigate Oba Adetona’s perceived insubordination and administrative conduct. True to the governor’s intentions, the commission reported unfavourably, and by early 1982, the Awujale was formally deposed by the Ogun State Executive Council. Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona mounted a legal challenge against the Ogun State Government, contesting the validity of the Sogbetun Commission of Inquiry, which had recommended his deposition. His legal team was formidable, led by none other than Chief F.R.A. Williams, one of Nigeria’s greatest legal minds, and supported by Chief Sina Odedina, a prominent Ijebu lawyer. As the case made its way through the courts, political events moved with dramatic speed. Governor Bisi Onabanjo, the man who had orchestrated the deposition, was re-elected and sworn in for a second term on October 1, 1983. For a time, it appeared that the Awujale’s fate had been sealed. But destiny, always patient, waited quietly in the wings. Just two months and 30 days later, on December 31, 1983, the Nigerian Second Republic collapsed in a swift military coup. In a broadcast, Brigadier Sani Abacha announced the takeover of the government by the military. The democratically elected administration of President Shehu Shagari was overthrown, and Major-General Muhammadu Buhari assumed the role of Head of State. In Ogun State, Brigadier Oladipo Diya, a fellow Ijebu son from Odogbolu, was appointed the new Military Governor. The terrain had shifted. Then, in 1984, the defining moment arrived. Justice Kolawole of the Ogun State High Court delivered a landmark judgment. The court nullified the findings of the Sogbetun Commission and ruled that Oba Adetona’s deposition was unlawful. It ordered his immediate reinstatement to the stool of the Awujale of Ijebuland. The military administration of Brigadier Diya, rather than appeal the ruling, respected the court’s decision. Without drama or delay, the judgment was enforced. And thus, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona returned to his throne in Ijebu Ode—restored, vindicated, and unbroken. The monarch who had been deposed returned not in disgrace, but in quiet triumph. Like a cat with nine lives, he resumed his place not only as a custodian of tradition, but as a symbol of endurance, dignity, and the power of lawful resistance. From that moment, a new era began: an era that would span decades, as Oba Adetona continued to reign with wisdom, courage, and conviction. The scars of 1981 remained, but they became part of a larger story, one of resilience in the face of injustice, and of a king who refused to be cowed. Over the next 41 years, until his transition on July 13, 2025, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona would go on to become one of Nigeria’s longest-serving monarchs, revered across the nation not only for his longevity, but for the strength of his character and the example he set.
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 20 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • “Forgive My Husband Before He’s Taken to His Grave” Aisha Buhari Makes Emotional Plea to Nigerians https://phoenix-browser.com/KY0eN94eDdt
    “Forgive My Husband Before He’s Taken to His Grave” Aisha Buhari Makes Emotional Plea to Nigerians https://phoenix-browser.com/KY0eN94eDdt
    PHOENIX-BROWSER.COM
    “Forgive My Husband Before He’s Taken to His Grave” Aisha Buhari Makes Emotional Plea to Nigerians
    In a widely shared post by APA Hausa, Aisha Buhari revealed that her husband had long expressed his wish to seek forgiveness from the Nigerian people before his passing.
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 19 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • CZ: You’re excited now — but the real highs are ahead

    “BTC at $1k seemed insane in 2017. Now it’s just 1% of today’s ATH. History will repeat itself,” CZ wrote
    CZ: You’re excited now — but the real highs are ahead “BTC at $1k seemed insane in 2017. Now it’s just 1% of today’s ATH. History will repeat itself,” CZ wrote
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 24 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • BREAKING—Elon Musk: “China is more civilized than the US.”
    🚨🇨🇳 BREAKING—Elon Musk: “China is more civilized than the US.”
    Like
    1
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 19 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • Thank you Jesus
    Thank you Jesus
    Like
    1
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 22 Vue 0 Aperçu

  • JUST IN: The Lagos state government sealed a construction site in Lekki Phase 1 after a crane accident killed an operator, Rotimi Adesina.



    JUST IN: The Lagos state government sealed a construction site in Lekki Phase 1 after a crane accident killed an operator, Rotimi Adesina.
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 22 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • In 2017, a conspiracy theory that Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari had died in a London hospital and was replaced with a body double called ‘Jubril’ from Sudan surfaced in popular discourse. This occurred after Buhari had spent three months undergoing medical treatment in London for an undisclosed illness. The President’s location outside of Nigeria, in the country that was its former colonizer, gave shape to different versions of the conspiracy theory, with suggestions that British Nigerian political elites were behind the replacement of the President and were hiding his alleged death.
    Anxieties around the President were initially provoked by a tweet on 19 May 2017, in which Eric Joyce, a British politician, tweeted that the President was dead. President Buhari had last been seen in public two weeks earlier. Eric Joyce’s tweet triggered Nigerians who were looking to escape a repeat of the power vacuum that had been experienced in the country after the death of a previous sitting president, Umaru Yar’Adua, who died in similar and somewhat mysterious circumstances in 2010.
    Narratives that the president was a clone emerged in public discourse following President Buhari's public reappearance and return to Nigeria from the UK in August 2017. The first identified online appearance of the clone conspiracy theory was a YouTube video created by Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist group in southeastern Nigeria, in September 2017. The group had been seizing opportunities during election windows to insert itself into broader political debates by whipping up regional sentiments of marginalization and political apathy. It had used a range of mainstream and social media channels to call the attention of the international community to its agitations and the illegal detention/trial of its leader. The body double conspiracy theory was picked up in the Nigerian media and widely spread through different forms of popular communication in Nigeria, resulting in Buhari publicly acknowledging and confronting the conspiracy theory. On 2 December 2018, Buhari insisted during an event in Poland, ‘It’s [the] real me, I assure you.’ The IPOB leader responded, tweeting:
    If Buhari is not dead and replaced by Jubril from Sudan, why won't the Nigerian government sue Eric Joyce, a former British lawmaker, for peddling lies? They can’t because they know I am speaking the truth. @AsoRock @ericjoyce @NGRPresident @UKParliament @NGRSenate @WhiteHouse t.co/qqrKHPmtNy
    In this article, this conspiracy theory that President Buhari was a clone is addressed as an opportunity to question the superficial confidence with which conspiracy theories have been dismissed as aberrations and negative externalities of digital ecosystems and their supporters as threats to an ostensibly deliberative public sphere. While not pitched in defense of conspiracy theories, it seeks to examine them without the comfortable protection of post-enlightenment normativity and to remind us how injunctions to ‘speak civilly’ or ‘think rationally’ tend to reproduce tropes from a colonial past, dismissing or erasing other forms of knowledge/reasoning used to make sense of the world to speak to power.

    The arguments and analyses we advance here are closely related to those we presented in a previous article (Gagliardone et al.,
    Citation
    2021), where we empirically illustrated how this explorative, rather than normative, approach allows us to grasp how individuals do not simply fall for, embrace, or support a conspiracy theory but can ‘do’ specific and distinct things with/through them. In that article, we comparatively analyzed how conspiracy theories circulating at the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic were seized by some Nigerian users and politicians as opportunities to criticize the ruling party, while in South Africa the same conspiracy theories became a vehicle to voice deep-rooted resentment towards the West and corporate interests.

    In 2017, a conspiracy theory that Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari had died in a London hospital and was replaced with a body double called ‘Jubril’ from Sudan surfaced in popular discourse. This occurred after Buhari had spent three months undergoing medical treatment in London for an undisclosed illness. The President’s location outside of Nigeria, in the country that was its former colonizer, gave shape to different versions of the conspiracy theory, with suggestions that British Nigerian political elites were behind the replacement of the President and were hiding his alleged death. Anxieties around the President were initially provoked by a tweet on 19 May 2017, in which Eric Joyce, a British politician, tweeted that the President was dead. President Buhari had last been seen in public two weeks earlier. Eric Joyce’s tweet triggered Nigerians who were looking to escape a repeat of the power vacuum that had been experienced in the country after the death of a previous sitting president, Umaru Yar’Adua, who died in similar and somewhat mysterious circumstances in 2010. Narratives that the president was a clone emerged in public discourse following President Buhari's public reappearance and return to Nigeria from the UK in August 2017. The first identified online appearance of the clone conspiracy theory was a YouTube video created by Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist group in southeastern Nigeria, in September 2017. The group had been seizing opportunities during election windows to insert itself into broader political debates by whipping up regional sentiments of marginalization and political apathy. It had used a range of mainstream and social media channels to call the attention of the international community to its agitations and the illegal detention/trial of its leader. The body double conspiracy theory was picked up in the Nigerian media and widely spread through different forms of popular communication in Nigeria, resulting in Buhari publicly acknowledging and confronting the conspiracy theory. On 2 December 2018, Buhari insisted during an event in Poland, ‘It’s [the] real me, I assure you.’ The IPOB leader responded, tweeting: If Buhari is not dead and replaced by Jubril from Sudan, why won't the Nigerian government sue Eric Joyce, a former British lawmaker, for peddling lies? They can’t because they know I am speaking the truth. @AsoRock @ericjoyce @NGRPresident @UKParliament @NGRSenate @WhiteHouse t.co/qqrKHPmtNy In this article, this conspiracy theory that President Buhari was a clone is addressed as an opportunity to question the superficial confidence with which conspiracy theories have been dismissed as aberrations and negative externalities of digital ecosystems and their supporters as threats to an ostensibly deliberative public sphere. While not pitched in defense of conspiracy theories, it seeks to examine them without the comfortable protection of post-enlightenment normativity and to remind us how injunctions to ‘speak civilly’ or ‘think rationally’ tend to reproduce tropes from a colonial past, dismissing or erasing other forms of knowledge/reasoning used to make sense of the world to speak to power. The arguments and analyses we advance here are closely related to those we presented in a previous article (Gagliardone et al., Citation 2021), where we empirically illustrated how this explorative, rather than normative, approach allows us to grasp how individuals do not simply fall for, embrace, or support a conspiracy theory but can ‘do’ specific and distinct things with/through them. In that article, we comparatively analyzed how conspiracy theories circulating at the outset of the COVID-19 pandemic were seized by some Nigerian users and politicians as opportunities to criticize the ruling party, while in South Africa the same conspiracy theories became a vehicle to voice deep-rooted resentment towards the West and corporate interests.
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 19 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • Lawyer Deji Adeyanju has a message for those making outrageous remarks about a sitting president's death.
    Lawyer Deji Adeyanju has a message for those making outrageous remarks about a sitting president's death.
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 25 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • Jesus Christ King of all spirits.
    (Their ODOGWU)
    🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅
    Jesus Christ King of all spirits. (Their ODOGWU) 🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅🫅
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 24 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • There's always an end to every beginning. If it has a beginning, it must have an end. Everything that has a beginning has an end.
    Everything have an end expect God
    There's always an end to every beginning. If it has a beginning, it must have an end. Everything that has a beginning has an end. Everything have an end expect God
    0 Commentaires 0 Parts 31 Vue 0 Aperçu
  • A lot of people would have been saved if JIGSIMUR HERBAL DRINK was available a few years ago

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    A lot of people would have been saved if JIGSIMUR HERBAL DRINK was available a few years ago It is unbelievable how something this affordable can be so powerful. It's potency is unmatched. A miracle in a bottle. A must have in every home. Get your body to heal itself with the most effective herbal product that handles all kinds of health issues. THE BENEFITS OF JIGSIMUR HERBAL DRINK 1. Natural Detoxifier 2. Boosts Immune System 3. Rich in Antioxidants 4. Promotes Kidney and Liver Health 5. Fights bacteria, fungi, viral, parasite disease & STDs 6. Treats Malaria & Typhoid Fever 7. Regulates Cholesterol 8. Normalizes Blood Pressure 9. Stabilizes Blood Sugar Levels 10. Fights Cancer 11. Good for Weight Loss 12. Aids Digestion 13. Fights Inflammation 14. Boosts Male and Female Fertility/treats fibroids 15. Arthritis Relief 16. Helps treat Cough 17. Eases Asthma and Allergies 18. Improves Vision 19. Manages ulcer 20. Good for the treatment of Pile 21. Helps in the treatment of Stroke *Place your orders now* 08068857039 or 09050357218
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